Passion, Fire and Fate

Music of the Iberian Peninsula

Introduction:

For 600 years, the Romans ruled over the Western edge of Europe. As the 4th century ended, a new threat loomed on the horizon. The ancient empire was on a precipice, and Hispania, the region known today as Spain and Portugal, was about to enter a new chapter. For the next three centuries, the peninsula would change hands until finally the Moors would establish a tenuous dominance. The Eastern Mediterranean cultures of Islam brought a relatively enlightened and prosperous time to the continent, particularly to the region of Andalusia in the southern city of Grenada. In the last centuries of Moorish rule, Andalusia had become an impressive center of cosmopolitan life, rivaling even the Eastern Byzantine capitol of Constantinople. As Peter Manual writes, “Moorish Andalusia was the wealthiest and most populous region of Spain, its economy buoyed by commerce, intensive canal-based agriculture, and textile production. Its cultural life was arguably the most cosmopolitan in Europe, synthesizing the learning and arts of the Arab, Christian, and Jewish communities, which coexisted in relative harmony.”[1] (Manual, P48.) Over yet another 600 years, the Reconquista would slowly turn the region back to the reign of Christianity. The northern kingdoms gradually conquered territory, and as the kingdom of Portugal emerged in the 11th century, the Hapsburg dynasty continued its development of the Spanish expansion into Madrid, Cordoba, and finally in 1492, as the exploration of Columbus was reaching the shores of the Americas, Grenada was falling out of Muslim rule. The Iberian Peninsula has remained relatively stagnant in its borders to the present day. With few exceptions, the kingdoms of Spain and Portugal have been the dominant factions.

This dynamic cultural occupation has created some of the most enthralling sounds the world has to offer. Throughout the middle ages the poetry and legends of troubadours of Occitan in southern France migrated to a broad expanse of western Europe. From 1100 to roughly 1350, the Minnesang of Germany, the trouvères in northern France, and finally, the trovadorismo in Galicia and Portugal made their professions, often in the service of noble patrons, but sometimes as traveling minstrels. The developments of these musicians in Iberia and the influence of the Arabic community would shape these feudal courtly songwriters. The impact of these two groups interlacing would mean a great deal to the foundations of more modern idioms to come. Arabic lyrical style, instrumentation, and melody would all find a part in the lexicon of repertoire in the coming ages. Economic shifts and political power structures of the 17th and 18th centuries would bring about a vibrant peasant class, and by the 18th and 19th centuries, some of the most globally identifiable music would come to the stage in these countries.

The Iberian Peninsula is a wonderful example of Western and Eastern music identities merging into cultural soundscapes, allowing us a sonic blueprint of their histories. The trovadorismo, flamenco, and fado music practices that emerge from this sector of the globe are fascinating tapestries of a multitude of people groups. The far end of the Eastern Kingdoms intersect with the Western edge of Europe, and the result is a mesmerizing study of world culture.

The Troubadours:

The Regnum Suevorum was founded in 409 and was the first Barbarian Kingdom in the West, during the Western collapse of the Roman Empire. The Sueves arrived in Iberia in 409 together with the Asdung and Siling Vandals and the Alans. After two years of plundering and destruction the peninsula was divided among the invaders. It maintained its independence until 585, when it was annexed by the Visigoths, and was turned into the sixth province of the Visigothic Kingdom in Hispania.[2] (Lodewijckx, P335) It was from this group that the vulgar Latin of the Romans transformed into the Galician-Portuguese language of the northwest region of Iberia. This language would emerge from the conquests of the Moors through the 12th century of the Reconquista and was the primary dialect for trovadorismo in Portugal and trobadorismo in Galicia. The occurrence of Portuguese verse… seems to show that the beginnings of the Gallego-Portuguese lyric school cannot have been later than 1175.[3] This was the school of lyric poetry that dominated the musical practices of the nobility up until the black plague in 1348, or thereabouts. Occitan lyrical poetry was also sung by the troubadours that frequented the courts of Leon and Castille, though the Galician-Portuguese lyric was the dominant practice otherwise.

Troubadours of this era were singer/songwriters that composed and performed as professional musicians of the high middle-ages. They wrote lyrical poetry to monophonic melodies and compiled them in cancioneiros (songbooks) by around the middle of the thirteenth century. The troubadour practice was first documented in the record of William of Aquitaine, as his return journey from the crusades is thought to have inspired his composition of some of the earliest examples of western music notation. As Silvia Huot documents in her studies, “Poets may have composed the texts in writing, and performers may sometimes have kept written copies of their repertory, but there is no evidence that systematic chansonnier compilation began before the mid-thirteenth century.”[4] (Huot, P50) By this time, there had been a long standing influence of several Arabic musical practices that helped shape the performative and compositional style of this music profession.

First, the lyrical content and subject was an amalgamation of Arabic poetry and its melodic practice. As Jozéf Pacholczyk notes, “The major cultural influence of Arab in Spain began in 711 A. D. with crossing of the strait of Gibraltar by the Muslim armies of Tariq, the sub sequent conquest of the Iberian peninsula, and the establishment of Muslim rule for the next eight centuries.”[5] (Pacholczyk, P361) Some of the motifs that encompassed the poetry of Iberia as a result of Eastern influences included: The Beloved as “Reason, Sublime and True”, “Master and Slave, Lord and Vassal”, “Keeping the Secret”, Dienst (‘service’) and Lôn (‘reward’), ‘False Promises, False accusations and Unfaithfulness’, ‘Tears, Insanity, and Death’, ‘The Faultfinder’, ‘The Slanderer’, and ‘The Ambiguity of Physical Union’. While there is no consensus of a direct connection to origins of the Love Lyric of Andalusia to European Courtly Love Lyrics, Charles M. Barrack makes the correlations between the two stylings. He states, “… evaluating the various arguments which have led to the present status has not been the purpose of this study. Rather, I have attempted to review the recurring thematic similarities. This approach not only reveals striking parallels on the overt level of metaphor and simile but enhances our insight into the problematic nature of the medieval courtly concept of love.”[6] (Barrack, P198). These correlations become even more striking when we note the comparisons between modern Tunisian folk music to the Andalusian flamenco and Portuguese fado. In the beginning of the eighth and the end of the fifteenth centuries, the peak cultural flow from Spain to Morocco was during the period of migration of the Muslims from Spain to North Africa between the tenth and the fifteenth centuries. (Pacholczyk, P361.) In terms of lyrical quality and poetic meter, “some features of a suite that were assumed to be developed in Spain were actually imported…This suggests that the suite principle was established early in the history of the Near East, and that this principle became a fundamental compositional device in the music of the Islamic Near East and Central Asia… the Andalusian tradition was more as a transmitter and modification than as the creator of a completely new musical system.” (Pacholczyk, P364.) This presence of Andalusian musical qualities post-Islamic presence in Iberia in the practices of the music culture of North African nations like Morocco and Tunisia suggests that early Arabic influences were critical in developing the troubadour traditions of lyrical love poetry in the European courts. Certainly, the presence is evident in the Galician-Portuguese lyric tradition that dominated the 12th thru the 14th centuries.

As for the practice in the Galician-Portuguese regions, there were three dominant genres: male-voiced love poetry, female-voiced loved poetry, and poetry of insult or mockery. Much of the imagery associated with the songbooks indicate that these melodies were accompanied by stringed instruments such as the lute, the lyre, the ‘Ud, and the vielle (a medieval predecessor to the violin). This dominance of stringed instrument would eventually lead to the Spanish guitar, also known as the “viola de Franca”, causing yet another migratory anomaly. As the Muslims retreated into North Africa in the 15th century, this instrument would re-appear. “What sense does it make,” Kofi Agawu asks, “after a century and a half of regular, continuous and imaginative use, to describe the guitar as a ‘foreign’ instrument to Africa?”[7] The guitar’s dominance in modern Spanish music would come in the years after the troubadours, though the practice of singers accompanied by similar stringed instruments holds its roots in their trade.

Besides being vital in the historical archive and continuity of feudal power structures by recording the narrative of genealogy and legend, the troubadours of the Iberian Peninsula were distinct in their practice of musical notation. Pepin the Short, King of the Franks and his son, Charlemagne recognized the power of liturgical influence and continuity of worship in maintaining public devotion and order. The practice of neumes and documentation for Gregorian chant and prayer would traverse its way into the feudal kingdoms by way of the troubadour, and secular song authorship began with the emergence of the troubadour profession. The compilation of songbooks by the 13th century is a marker of how impactful it was to write music down in addition to the lyrics that accompanied it. In fact, it was at this early stage that we see the initial prominences of the musical arts. Huot writes, “That the composer of lyric and lyrical narrative poetry is also identified as the author of a book is of great significance, reflecting both a new consciousness on the part of poets and also an audience interest in possessing a given poet’s complete works.”[8]

The tonal qualities of the early troubadour music is also an important feature. While tetrachordal qualities of Arabic maqam (the Arabic practice of mode, or scale) often use a 24-tone system of pitch, this tonal practice would not endure the modern era as it would survive and flourish in the Northern African regions. Instead, the monophony of Gregorian-style chant and church modes like Phrygian and aeolian would satisfy the melodic passages used to perform Galician-Portuguese lyric. These tonal qualities would also endure through the later centuries to give Latin music much of its mysterious sonic qualities. Peter Manual notes of flamenco stylings, “The specifically Andalusian character of flamenco is clear in its Arab-influenced modal melodies and melismatic vocal style, and in its combination, or juxtaposition, of European common-practice I-IV-V harmonies with progressions and chords that have evolved from modal origins (most notably, the familiar progression Am-G-F-E, in E Phrygian/major).”[9] (Manuel, P55)

Flamenco:

The Reconquista was part of the 700 year-plus struggles between the Moors and the Christians in the Iberian Peninsula. Most consider its beginnings to be the Battle of Covadonga (718 or 722), the first known victory in Hispania by Christian military forces since the 711 military invasions undertaken by combined Arab-Berber forces.[10] By 1491, Christian forces had reoccupied the region. With this conquest came the dispersion, expulsion, and execution of any groups not willing convert or submit to Christian rule. Grenada, the largest city in the southern province of Andalusia, suffered economically and politically, creating an entrenched and despondent peasantry. As Manuel notes, “The imperial Madrid government treated Andalusia as a conquered and occupied territory rather than as a region of economic value to be developed. Hence, under Spanish rule, irrigation networks collapsed, trade withered, and land ownership became concentrated in the hands of a tiny absentee latifundista elite. Ruinous imperial wars, mass emigration to America, and internal stagnation and repression further devastated Andalusia, causing recurrent famines which persisted through the 19th century.”[11]

Naturally, this was the perfect kindling for a rebellious social statement. The music of flamenco was the “urban folk song” of a disenfranchised public. By the 17th century, the public held solidarity in their contempt and hostility towards the Madrid government. The immediate consequences of the Reconquista on Andalusian culture and economy not only unified the populace against the conquering forces, but also indirectly resulted in widespread banditry and smuggling. In addition to this, the migration of Gypsies via France during the 15th century enhanced the population of compatriots to share in the burden of poverty. The gypsy culture, long associated with flamenco, helped develop the lyrical repertoire with their suffering under Inquisitional intolerance. In any case, the poverty of expelled Muslims and the incoming Romani are the heart of the people behind the genre’s development.

Flamenco as a term, has several potential etymological origins. Some of the most popular theories are with the Spanish term meaning “fire” or “flame”. The robust, exciting, and flamboyant style of this guitar-centric, passionate music often is related with such imagery. Another possibility is a derivation from the Hispano-Arabic term fellah mengu, meaning “expelled peasant”. [12] Manuel writes,

“Nevertheless, from the late 1700s, when Romantic literature began to idealize nomadic gypsies, substantial communities of settled, assimilated gypsies (including many blacksmiths) arose in the cities and towns of Seville and Cadiz provinces. It was primarily these casero (“house-owning”) gypsies, as opposed to their nomadic andarrio and canastero kin, which nurtured and developed flamenco in a complex process of syncretic, dialectic interaction with non-gypsy audiences and music.” [13]

The Spanish guitar, an evolution of the lute and the ‘Ud, along with syncopated percussive elements and emphasis on vocal lyrical storytelling make flamenco’s foundations. As Michael Denning writes, “In Andalusia, guitar playing… emerged as an ever more central part of the flamenco tradition, taking its place alongside singing, dance, and handclaps, in large part because of the technologies of electrical recording that allowed the guitar to carry melodic leads as well as rhythmic accompaniment.”[14] (Denning, P179) This connection to technological advance parallels the troubadour experience with written forms of musical recording in the middle ages.

A large part of flamenco lyrics confront unrequited love, though even the amatory lyrics tend to display feelings of machismo, fatalism, pride, and self-pity. Many flamenco texts give a rich oral history, particularly of the gypsy struggles with poverty, prison, and intense sorrow. The Harmony and structure reflect some of the Arabic and earlier church-modes of the Christian medieval period. The flamenco mode is akin to the Phrygian with a major third degree, although natural minor and major modes are commonly used as well. Typical flamenco includes a set of verses, or palos, that are divided by guitar interludes. The use of microtonality is reminiscent of the Eastern Mediterranean practices, and melodic improvisation with baroque ornamentation if often part of the repertoire. The dance that accompanies is known for its emotional intensity, expressive use of the hands, and rhythmic stamping of the feet.

The heritage is documented as far back as 1774 in Las Cartas Marruecas, though it is likely that its origins are closer to the establishment of Spanish Romani as a minority class in South East Iberia.[15] Its popularity and association with traditional Spanish culture is evident, and there is no doubt, a commercially viable connection with its recognized Latin origin and its national pride. Manuel writes,

“Flamenco, regardless of its ever-growing acceptance by foreign as well as Spanish middle classes, has evolved as a product of the Andalusian urban lower classes and, in particular, the settled gypsies of Seville and Cadiz provinces. Since its coalescence in the mid-1800s, diluted and commercialized forms of the genre (e.g., flamenco opera) have flourished and perished in accordance with the changes in bourgeois taste, but a current of traditional flamenco, however inherently syncretic it may be, has always remained at the inspirational and stylistic core of the genre.”[16] (Manuel, P.52)

Flamenco’s recognition as a culturally significant part of Spanish origins, in addition to its diverse background, political statement, and sense of national pride are profound. A further investigation of its contemporary popularity can only help propagate how music “can be at once a product of and an active influence upon the formation of social identity in general.”[17] (Manuel, P64)

Fado:

The genre known as “fado” originates in Portugal in or around 1833. While the most recent of the styles discussed, its ability to represent a multitude of historical references within its presentation, past, and current audience is amazing. Fado, like flamenco, is guitar-centric, though melancholy in its meter and expression. The term “fado” means fate. Most of the lyrical content surrounds fickle fortune, the evil destiny of the unfortunate, the piercing pangs of love, the poignancy of absence or despair[18], or feelings of the unavoidability behind one’s fate. According to Rodney Gallop, ethnomusicologist that spent time making electronic recordings of the genre in the 1920s, “Its true home is Alfama and Mouraria, the poor quarters of the city, which flaunt their picturesque squalor on the slopes below St. George’s Castle.”[19] (Gallop, P199) He continues,

“The true fado is always sad. Usually in the minor, it retains even in the major the melancholy character associated with the minor. It may be wild, finely exultant in its sadness, seeming to revel in tragedy; or, more often, striking a note of pathetic and almost languid resignation. Its sophisticated cadences breathe a spirit of theatrical self-pity combined with genuine sincerity. It is emotional, passionate, erotic, sensuous, one might say meretricious, and yet, like some rustic courtesan, fundamentally simple and unpretentious. Perhaps this is because these qualities, however irreconcilable to the Anglo-Saxon way of thinking, are nevertheless reconciled in the Portuguese temperament, or at least in one aspect of it,”[20] (Gallop, P200)

One of the more impressive qualities to fado it its national identity. Even though it bears relatively recent historical origins, its association and label as a trademark of Portugal is impressive. Though the term shows up in relation to music in the 1830s, the worst quarters of Lisbon held reign over this notorious music until at least 1870. Though its public popularity began to spread at this time, there is reference to the term “fado” as far back as 1819 in Brazil, suggesting the possibility that the style came to Portugal from the Americas. This reinforces the broad cultural pallet that the Iberian Peninsula experiences in its modern musical identity. In any case, fado’s connections to the sea appear to be inextricable. Richard Elliot comments, “Lisbon has been an important port for centuries, … most commentors agree that it is a mixing of cultural practices along the banks of the Tejo River that most likely gave birth to fado, and that contrary to the nationalist insistence on Portuguese purity, Brazilians and Africans most likely had some involvement in the process.”[21] With flamenco, troubadour, and now fado, we see these foreign influences mold and develop the public expression in intriguing ways.

The guitar is, as mentioned, the descendant of the Moorish stringed instruments and adopted by medieval minstrels. It was originally called the vihuela and in addition to tea and toast, was part of the imports introduced to England by Catherine of Braganza upon her betrothal to Charles II. The guitar became so popular in England that it grew to be one of their biggest exports, especially to Portugal. This was, as Gallop writes, “a circumstance which has led one Portuguese musical historian to the ill-advised conclusion that the English were the inventors of the Portuguese guitar.”[22] (Gallop P203) Though the guitar certainly added to the distinction of fado’s idiom, in the Portuguese use, it discarded the use of quarter-tones, as is typical in Arabic tonality, instead favoring the more Westernized approach of a 12-tone function. This is also a product of the guitar’s use as a chordal instrument, requiring a more strictly symmetric rotation of pitches and finger positions. This also leads to the harmonics not being based on the traditional Andalusian Phrygian modes, but of more traditional major and minor modes, though this is not always the case. Denning writes, “when chordal instruments were adopted to accompany the vocal phrases of modal melodies; the chords — major and minor triads — were used not for their traditional functions in common practice, but for “color” … sonority, or … simple oscillation.”[23] (Denning, P203)

Fado is has two major styles that originate from the cities of Lisbon and Coimbra. The Lisbon variety is the more popular, and the Coimbra variation is more linked to the troubadour tradition and is also sung only by men. Gallop notes of the Coimbra fado, “At Coimbra, the fado has a very different character. Here it is no longer the song of the common people… Their clear, warm tenor voices give the song a character that is more refined, more sentimental, in a word more aristocratic.”[24] (Gallop, P210) While either style is considered music of the Portuguese nation, this was not always the case.

Earlier governments restricted and censured fado, as it represented the dregs of society and promoted dissidence. Much like flamenco, this was a folk music made by the peasantry, often in rebellion of their poverty and diminished feelings within the cultural strata. Described by officials in the 1800s as, “those deliquescent and immoral melodies,” and “an expression of the lowest type of melodrama and of the most exaggeratedly bad taste.” And “”a song of rogues, a hymn to crime, an ode to vice, an encouragement to moral depravity…, an unhealthy emanation from the centers of corruption, from the infamous habitations of the scum of society.”[25] Despite this negative stigma, the genre has certainly survived, flourishing under less oppressive governmental regulation in recent decades.

Fado today, is considered a national treasure, and is highlighted by most travel recommendations as a primary feature to experience when visiting Portugal. It is this very public popularity that representative of the earlier sentiments of Peter Manuel, that highly diverse forms of musical expression are likely not only representations of vast historical variety, but potential drivers of future diversity to come.

Conclusions:

The Iberian Peninsula is as wonderful example of how national music representation can bring out a vast lexicon of historical archive, and upon divesting those genealogies, allow for further expanse and innovations. Certainly, born out of struggle and strife, with more progress to be made in terms of social issues, the music, and the public embrace of those expressions are key the broadening cultural enrichment of the inhabitants of its various nations. As the wheels of feudal squabbles entrenched the ancient civilizations of the area, music flourished and cemented the legacy of contributions from a multitude of ethnicities. As flamenco embraced the impoverished Romani and displaced Muslim minority of the Reconquista, it also cemented important instrumental innovations and appropriations for future musical endeavors. As fado was the soul of societies unwanted, it would one day embolden those oppressed to provide a wondrous and passionate voice from which the people could take pride in.

Many other regions in the world share exquisite mixtures of interesting ethnic groups, all singing and dancing to one day form a unique and captivating story. The Iberian Peninsula is one filled with as much tragedy as it is ensconced with hope. May it forever set the example of how those that once were the meek and humble can one day be the voice of the people that follow.

Enjoy the listening examples, and thanks for reading!

Galician-Portuguese lyric:

https://youtu.be/CkzqAH8y0uY

Fado Music from Portugal — Traditional — Portuguese Music 2 Hours:

https://youtu.be/RY66q43G63Y

Vengo flamenco gypsies dancing spain spanish music latin HD:

https://youtu.be/FD0RlazkhtU

Sources:

· Peter Manuel, Andalusian, Gypsy, and Class Identity in the Contemporary Flamenco Complex. Ethnomusicology, Winter, 1989, Vol. 33, №1)

· Lodewijckx, Marc (1996). Archaeological and historical aspects of West-European societies: album amicorum André Van Doorselaer. Leuven: Leuven University Press.

· Lang, H. (1895). The Relations of the Earliest Portuguese Lyric School with the Troubadours and Trouvères. Modern Language Notes

· Silvia Huot, From Song to Book, The Poetics of Writing in Old French Lyric and Lyrical Narrative Poetry. Cornell University, 1987

· Jozéf Pacholczyk, EARLY ARAB SUITE IN SPAIN: AN INVESTIGATION OF THE PAST THROUGH THE CONTEMPORARY LIVING TRADITIONS. Revista de Musicología, Vol. 16, №1, Del XV Congreso de la Sociedad Internacional de Musicología: Culturas Musicales Del Mediterráneo y sus Ramificaciones: Vol. 1 (1993)

· Charles M. Barrack, Motifs of Love in the Courtly Love Lyric of Moslem Spain, and Hohenstaufen Germany: In Memory of Ernst Behler. Monatshefte, Summer 2013, Vol. 105, №2

· Kofi Agawu, Representing African Music: Postcolonial Notes, Queries, Positions. Routledge, 2003

· Joseph F. O’Callaghan (April 15, 2013). A History of Medieval Spain. Cornell University Press

· Infante, Blas (2010). Orígenes de lo Flamenco y Secreto del Cante Jondo (1929–1933). Consejería de Cultura de la Junta de Andalucía

· Michael Denning, Noise Uprising, The Audiopolitics of a World Musical Revolution. Published by Verso, New York, London, 2015.

· Akombo, David (2016). The Unity of Music and Dance in World Cultures. North Carolina: McFarland Books.

· Rodney Gallop, The Fado (The Portuguese Song of Fate). The Musical Quarterly, Apr. 1933, Vol. 19, №2 Published by: Oxford University Press

· Richard Elliott (2010). Fado and the Place of Longing: Loss, Memory, and the City. Ashgate Publishing, Ltd.

Notes:

[1] Peter Manuel, Andalusian, Gypsy, and Class Identity in the Contemporary Flamenco Complex. Ethnomusicology, Winter, 1989, Vol. 33, №1)

[2] Lodewijckx, Marc (1996). Archaeological and historical aspects of West-European societies: album amicorum André Van Doorselaer. Leuven: Leuven University Press.

[3] Lang, H. (1895). The Relations of the Earliest Portuguese Lyric School with the Troubadours and Trouvères. Modern Language Notes, 10(4), 104–116. doi:10.2307/2918189

[4] Silvia Huot, From Song to Book, The Poetics of Writing in Old French Lyric and Lyrical Narrative Poetry. Cornell University, 1987

[5] Jozéf Pacholczyk, EARLY ARAB SUITE IN SPAIN: AN INVESTIGATION OF THE PAST THROUGH THE CONTEMPORARY LIVING TRADITIONS. Revista de Musicología, Vol. 16, №1, Del XV Congreso de la Sociedad Internacional de Musicología: Culturas Musicales Del Mediterráneo y sus Ramificaciones: Vol. 1 (1993)

[6] Charles M. Barrack, Motifs of Love in the Courtly Love Lyric of Moslem Spain, and Hohenstaufen Germany: In Memory of Ernst Behler. Monatshefte, Summer 2013, Vol. 105, №2

[7] Kofi Agawu, Representing African Music: Postcolonial Notes, Queries, Positions. Routledge, 2003, p.148

[8] Huot, P211

[9] Manuel, P55

[10] Joseph F. O’Callaghan (April 15, 2013). A History of Medieval Spain. Cornell University Press. p. 176.

[11] Manuel, P49

[12] Infante, Blas (2010). Orígenes de lo Flamenco y Secreto del Cante Jondo (1929–1933). Consejería de Cultura de la Junta de Andalucía. p. 166.

[13] Manuel, P51

[14] Michael Denning, Noise Uprising, The Audiopolitics of a World Musical Revolution. Published by Verso, New York, London, 2015.

[15] Akombo, David (2016). The Unity of Music and Dance in World Cultures. North Carolina: McFarland Books.

[16] Manuel, P52.

[17] Manuel, P64

[18] Rodney Gallop, The Fado (The Portuguese Song of Fate). The Musical Quarterly, Apr. 1933, Vol. 19, №2 Published by: Oxford University Press

[19] Gallup, P199

[20] Gallop, P200

[21] Richard Elliott (2010). Fado and the Place of Longing: Loss, Memory and the City. Ashgate Publishing, Ltd. p. 19

[22] Gallop, P203

[23] Denning, P203

[24] Gallop, P210

[25] Gallop, P201